Published On: February 27th 2026
Authored By: Haftom Endrias Weldegergs
Aksum University
Abstract
This article analyzes the far more serious human rights violations and international crimes committed in the devastating war waged in Tigray, Ethiopia on October 2020. It highlights the grave human rights violations committed contrary to the international human rights law and international humanitarian law standards, like crimes against humanity, war crimes, and sexual violence, and so on and so forth. Moreover, the article is devoted in analyzing the international, regional, and national frameworks for post conflict accountability and justice, the bottlenecks and challenges for accountability, and the transitional justice with respect to accountability, and its importance in devising timeless and lasting solutions for human rights violations and impunity. Lastly and most importantly, this article stresses on the role to be played by the international community especially human rights organizations in the effort of realizing post conflict accountability.
Introduction
Post conflict accountability is a mechanism by which war criminals and other conflict related perpetrators brought before justice and on the other hand war survivors or victims awarded with effective remedies for the violations and injustice done to them during the conflict. As may be known, the armed conflict erupted in Tigray region of Ethiopia on October 2020 between the allied forces of Eritrea and Ethiopia, and Tigray forces has caused allegations of serious violations of the International human rights law and international humanitarian law, law of armed conflicts. Many reports of regional and international human rights organizations indicate that ethnic cleansing, extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, gender based violence and sexual slaveries, constructed starvation and deliberate obstruction of humanitarian assistances as a weapon of war and blockade of essential services has been committed in the region. The region has been facing very serious and unprecedented human rights violations even after the actual conflict. Even though the issue of post conflict accountability to ensure justice for victims, restoration of rule of law and non-recurrence of violations become central after the cessation of active hostilities, the political motivation behind this process has been hindering its effective implementation. Therefore, in this article I will try to analyze the serious human rights violations committed in Tigray, the national, regional, and international frameworks for accountability, the potential challenges that hinder the process and possible pathways forward, and lastly the role to be played by the international community in realizing post conflict accountability with some recommendations for achieving meaningful justice.
Human Rights Violations during the Conflict
Multiple independent investigations have indicated that civilians’ loss which potentially goes to the extent of ethnic cleansing in Tigray was obvious due to the conflict. Violations reportedly included extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, conflict-related sexual violence, and the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure.[1] These acts do not just potentially constitute war crimes, but also crimes against humanity under international law. The scale and systematic nature of some violations, the abundancy of war victims and survivors underscore the need for accountability mechanisms that go beyond symbolic measures.
Be that as it may, civilian objects such as churches, mosques, public hospitals and schools have been targeted and as a result partially and in some cases completely destroyed, which are clear violations of the international humanitarian laws.[2] This deliberate targeting of public institutions and towns has left thousands homeless, school dropout, and even permanently disabled and dead. Some of the serious violations among others are mentioned below in a bit more detail.
1. Right to Life, Liberty and Security
Reports indicate instances of extra judicial killings, enforced disappearances, and attacks on civilians. The conflict environment has posed severe risks to civilian safety. Among other things the inhumane massacres of Western Tigray, Aksum, mahberedeygo, mass killings of Mariam dengelat and Mariam shewito can be listed.[3] This means persons have killed without judicial procedures,[4] that is against the fundamental procedural safeguards embodied in the FDRE Constitution and international agreements to which Ethiopia is a party. These violations have really left millions dead and thousands permanently disabled. Even these days, pursuant to the recent Genocide watch’s report thousands of people are murdering by the Eritrean and fano-Amhara forces.[5] Beyond this, persons have been arbitrarily getting arrested, interned and detained without observing legal procedures since the waging of the Tigray war.[6] Many have also been recruiting to the military against their consent including, but not limited to, children by both the adversaries. Many have remained prisoners until the present without due reason and related with the conflict. Security of people’s life and person is now at stake in the region. Because, arbitrariness and disobedience to the law are prevailing in the country especially the region.
2. Sexual and Gender-Based Violence
There have been documented cases of conflict-related sexual violence and sexual slavery affecting women, girls, which resulted in an absolute and permanent sterility, and in some cases men .Among the severely affected victims of rape a young girl named Monaliza Abrha, who got cut her limbs by the troops for not submitting herself to sex, and a woman named letay raped by three men can be mentioned as a sample.[7] Moreover, all of the victims of this barbarous crime are suffering from physical disability, emotional distress, and even social isolation due to the unpopular and far more shaming violence directed against them. Survivor support and access to justice remain limited.
3. Humanitarian Access and Essential Services
Humanitarian agencies faced significant barriers to delivering aid during the height of the conflict. Many employees of these humanitarian organizations have lost their life in discharging their duty to deliver humanitarian assistance to those who were on the verge of dying due to the negative effects of the war. Shortages of food, medicine, and essential supplies severely affected the civilian population. The internally displaced persons from western Tigray have been suffering from lack of the basic necessities of life such as food, shelter, as they were/are living in torn tents, and exposed to flooding and extreme wild attacks for about five years. The actors in the war have been using starvation and blockade as weapon of war against these innocent civilians. They don’t get enough food, housing to sleep, and other basic necessities of life.[8] Even as we speak, many internally displaced persons are suffering from extreme hunger such as the internally displaced persons found in Hintats, Tigray, which have been popular on social Medias lately. The government is playing no role to the rescue of these IDPS while it is duty bound to protect, provide, and lend assistance to these people under the regional and international human rights conventions and instruments to which Ethiopia is signatory.[9] Instead of that, the government opted to remain silent while thousands are dying in a way that looks like deliberate starvation.
4. Forced Displacement
Millions of people were internally displaced and refugees in Sudan due to the conflict, and its adverse effect of destruction of homes, and insecurity.[10] They are experiencing harsh situations such as homelessness, starvation, unwanted ness, and lost their trust on the international community to save their lives. Children and elders have left without carers due to the displacement. Almost most of the towns of Tigray are now filled with thousands of internally displaced persons each affected by the war and this time they are devoid of home, food, humanitarian assistance and medical care. Return and reintegration efforts are ongoing but remain challenging as they are driven by political motives behind rather than giving primacy to humanity.
5. Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights
Disruptions to banking, telecommunications, education, and healthcare services had long-term consequences for families, businesses, and institutions in Tigray even though there exist bit improvements since the conclusion of the Pretoria peace agreement. Now most of the children of the region are dropped out of school due to the war which in turn resulted in the absolute destructions of schools, hospitals, and other essential public institutions which should not have been subjected to military attacks under the international humanitarian law. Moreover, a lot of Towns, churches like the Debredamo monastery, mosque like Mesgid Negash, and other cultural heritages have been subject to military attacks which in effect resulted in the infringements against the freedom of religion and cultural values.[11] What is more, peoples of the region have experienced arbitrary taking of private property, destruction of businesses and so on.[12] People have lost their cultural values, heritages, and proscribed to not exercise their deep rooted traditional values. Many of them, for instance, have prevented to conduct their funeral ceremonies in times when they lost their beloved ones. They forced to conduct such kind of ceremonies in a way which contravenes the long standing values and norms of their tradition.
6. Civil and Political Rights
Thousands of people have fled the country for the mere fact that they were members or spectators of one of the adversaries, which is against the FDRE Constitution as well as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the additional covenants and protocols there to.[13]
7. Right to peace, development, and self determination
In general people in Ethiopia like Tigray and Amhara have been getting deprived their collective right to peace, development, and self-determination. This is obvious that the people are now suffering from lack of peace which in turn hinders their right to development. Beyond this peoples of Tigray can’t decide on their own matters and they have no one to defend their interest caused by the lack of representation in the federal government organs like the house of peoples of representatives and house of federation. These are not political claims, rather they are purely human rights established and recognized under the international human rights law standards like the universal declaration of human rights and guaranteed to every one unconditionally.[14]
Legal Framework for Accountability
Accountability for violations committed during the Tigray conflict is grounded in both international and regional legal frameworks. Ethiopia is bound by international human rights treaties and international humanitarian law applicable to non-international armed conflicts. As per article 9 and 13 of the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, international agreements acceded by Ethiopia are part and parcel of the supreme law of the land, which is the FDRE Constitution.[15] Additionally, regional instruments such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights impose obligations to protect fundamental rights and ensure effective remedies in a way that implies for strict application of the law to bring about over all justice and post conflict accountability. Even though the post conflict accountability is not expressly stipulated under the charter, the provision that guarantee for effective remedies and establishment of African court on human and peoples’ rights implies that the African charter concern to bring about post conflict accountability and justice for human rights violations.[16] At the domestic level, the Ethiopian Constitution guarantees the right to life, human dignity, access to justice, fair and due procedures, liberty, security, and freedom from torture, inhumane and degrading treatment providing a constitutional basis for accountability efforts. It further guarantees to everyone the rights of development, peace, and self-determination.[17] Under the African charter on people and humans right also, persons have the right to life, security, liberty, access to justice and fair procedures, and so on and so forth.
Challenges to Post-Conflict Accountability
Despite the existence of a robust legal framework, several obstacles hinder effective accountability in Tigray. The problem is not the availability of comprehensive legal frameworks that address the reported violations. Rather, there are so many challenges that hinder the post conflict accountability. These include limited institutional capacity, political sensitivities, lack of victim access to justice mechanisms, and concerns regarding the independence and impartiality of investigations. Furthermore, prolonged conflict-related disruptions weakened judicial institutions, making domestic prosecutions particularly challenging. Without credible and transparent processes, there is a risk of impunity and erosion of public trust. The signatories of the Pretoria agreement work only for their political interest and benefit. They do not care about serving justice to those who are in urgent need of it. The signatories failed to keep their attention in the people suffered from a lot of serious violations of human rights and affected by traumatic events. They just pursue their political interest forgetting their duty to sustain post conflict justice. The silence of the international community on this issue also contributes its part to the challenges of post conflict accountability. This made the signatories of the Pretoria peace agreement to be free riders-reckless about the post conflict accountability. To be honest, they are not just reckless; they are also reluctant to bring that accountability since they themselves are going to be accountable for the general loss caused by the war.
Transitional Justice and Accountability Mechanisms
Post-conflict accountability in Tigray requires a comprehensive transitional justice approach which addresses the root causes of the conflict, combats impunity, and promotes democratic governance. This may include criminal prosecutions, truth-seeking mechanisms and reconciliations, reparations for victims, and institutional reforms. International practice demonstrates that hybrid approaches, combining domestic and international elements can be effective where national systems face substantial constraints. Also some scholars urge for a regime change, regime consolidation or delegitimizing the previous regime in the country at which such justice is sought to be brought, for an effective and meaningful transitional justice.[18] Ensuring victim participation and adopting a survivor-centered, trauma- informed and gender-responsive approach, particularly in cases of sexual violence, is essential for legitimacy and healing.
The Role of the International Community
The international community plays a great role in realizing the thoughts of post conflict accountability and justice by monitoring, funding, and supervising the international human rights organizations in their effort to initiate human rights violations reports, documentation, prosecution of war criminals, and provision of humanitarian assistance to the war survivors, internally displaced persons, and refugees who are suffering from the very negative effects of conflict. Be that as it may, the international community has a role to play in deterring further violations by exerting pressure on the peace agreement signatories to the complete discharge of their obligations under the agreement, and by effectuating strong supervision mechanisms to that effect.
Recommendations
- The international community has to show strong commitment to struggle impunity and unlawfulness, and do its best to hold the persons alleged to have caused and committed heinous human rights violations in Tigray liable for their wrong deeds.
- The Ethiopian government should facilitate the withdrawal of the Eritrean and Fano forces from the western and northern Tigray so that further human rights violations are deterred and the internally displaced persons are able to return their home safe.
- Both signatories of the Pretoria peace agreement should foster the bona fide enforcement of the provisions of the agreement by having a central theme of respecting for human rights.
- Humanitarian organizations should manage to provide lasting humanitarian assistance to the internally displaced persons in Tigray and refugees in Sudan.
- The international courts should initiate prosecutions for the documented crimes and human rights violations committed by the war actors.
- The government of Ethiopia and Tigray regional interim administration should bring about comprehensive transitional justice, not driven by political motives.
Conclusion
Post-conflict human rights accountability in Tigray is not only a legal obligation to be discharged under the pain of penalty for omission; it is also a moral imperative that every human has to fulfill. While significant challenges remain, the combination of domestic legal frameworks, regional mechanisms, and international support provides a foundation for pursuing justice. Meaningful accountability is essential not only for victims but also for long-term peace, reconciliation, and the prevention of future violations and losses. The success of post-conflict justice efforts in Tigray will ultimately depend on political will, institutional reform, sustained commitment to human rights principles, and cooperative spirit of the international community especially human rights organizations and defenders to serve justice for those who are in urgent need of it.
References
[1] Human Rights Watch News, Ethiopia: Ethnic Cleansing Persists Under Tigray Truce, June 1, 2023.
[2] Human Rights Watch News, Tigray Schools Occupied, Looted, May 28, 2021.
[3] Amnesty International Report, Ethiopia: New Wave of Atrocities in Western Tigray, 16 December 2021; Amnesty International, Ethiopia: Eritrean Troop’s Massacre of Hundreds of Axum Civilians May Amount to Crime against Humanity, 26 February 2021.
[4] Amnesty International, Ethiopia: Today or Tomorrow, They Should be Brought Before Justice: Rape, Sexual slavery, Extrajudicial Execution, and pillage By Eritrean Defense Forces, 4 September 2023.
[5] Genocide watch, Eritrean country Report November 2025.
[6] Amnesty international report, Ethiopia: Tigrayans Targeted In fresh Wave of Ethnically Motivated Detentions in Addis Ababa, 12 November 2021.
[7] Amnesty International, “Ethiopia: Troops and militia rape, abduct women and girls in Tigray conflict- new report”, 10 August 2021; Amnesty International, Ethiopia: “I don’t know if they realized was a person” : Rape and sexual violence in the conflict in Tigray , Ethiopia, 10 August 2021.
[8] United Nations Human Rights Council, Ethiopia: UN Human Rights Chief calls for sustained efforts to halt Violations and abuses, 14 January 2024; Amnesty International, Ethiopia: Blocking Tigray aid harms Rape Survivors, November 9 2021.
[9] African union convention for the protection and assistance of internally displaced persons in Africa, adopted on October 23, 2009, entered in to force December 06, 2012.
[10] Human Rights Watch Interview: uncovering crimes committed in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, conducted by Laetitia Bader , Human Rights Watch’s Horn of Africa Director, December 23, 2020.
[11] Human Rights Watch, Ethiopia: Unlawful Shelling of Tigray Urban Areas, February 11, 2021; Human Rights Watch, War Crimes in western Tigray, April 6, 2022.
[12] Human Rights Watch, Property Destruction in Division Villages, Western Tigray.
[13] The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No.1/1995, Federal Negarit Gazeta, No 1, Addis Ababa 21, 1995, articles 29-38.
[14] UN General Assembly , ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ UN DOC A/RES/3/217A,10 December 1948, UDHR articles 23 and 28.
[15] The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No.1/1995, Federal Negarit Gazeta, No 1, Addis Ababa 21, 1995, articles 9 and 13- 44.
[16] African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, adopted 27 June 1981, entered in to force 21 October 1986, 1520 UNTS 23, OAU DOC CAB/LEG/6/7/3 rev 5 1981.
[17] The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Proclamation No.1/1995, Federal Negarit Gazeta, No 1, Addis Ababa 21, 1995, articles 39 and 43.
[18] Anja Mihr, Regime consolidation and Transitional Justice , A Comparative Study of Germany, Spain and Turkey, published on 06 January 2018 by Cambridge University Press, accessed January 8, 2026.
