Published on 17th July 2025
Authored By: K. Saitarun
VIT Chennai
IN RE BERUBARI UNION V EXCHANGE OF ENCLAVES (1960)[1]
FACTS OF THE CASE:
When India gained independence in 1947 and was divided into two countries, India and Pakistan, a border was drawn by a British official, Sir Cyril Radcliffe, separating the two countries. That border was the Radcliffe Award. But in certain areas the map and written award did not match very well. Berubari Union, located in Jalpaiguri district in West Bengal, was one of them.
The Radcliffe Award delineated this area for India, but there was confusion on the map. The result was confusion over who was in Berubari. Pakistan and India, both claimed it. To offset this, in 1958, the Prime Minister of Pakistan (Feroz Khan Noon) and the Prime Minister of India (Jawaharlal Nehru) signed an agreement called the Nehru-Noon Agreement[2]. According to this agreement:
The Berubari Union would then be split down the middle: half would belong to India and half to Pakistan.
They would swap some minor areas referred to as enclaves (minor pieces of land of a country inside another country). But the people, particularly the people of West Bengal, did not welcome this settlement. They believed that surrendering part of India to Pakistan was unconstitutional. The government of India, to remove uncertainties, invoked the Supreme Court of India under Article 143(1)[3] of the Constitution (Presidential reference).
LEGAL ISSUES:
Three key questions needed to be addressed by the Supreme Court:
- Can an agreement be used to divide or give away land like Berubari by the Indian government?
- If not, can Parliament use Article 3 of the Constitution[4] to enact a regular law?
- Does this action require a special process, such as an Article 368 Constitutional Amendment?[5]
because they dealt with Indian territory and sovereignty, these issues were significant. Giving away Indian land to a foreign nation is a significant decision that needs to be handled carefully and legally.
ARGUMENTS OF THE PARTIES:
The judicial reasoning in the Berubari case was split between those who favoured the executive’s power to initiate the agreement and those who favoured imposing firm constitutional constraints.
The Government’s Stand (As Represented by the Attorney General):
- Administrative Clarification over Territorial Cession:
The Government had charged the Nehru-Noon Agreement with not being a cession of land in the strict sense. Instead, it was believed to be a clarification simply of Radcliffe Award demarcation uncertainties. To this extent, the agreement rectified technical mapping errors and was simply an exercise in boundary clarification and not a transfer of sovereignty.
- Executive Prerogative in Foreign Policy:
It was argued that it was within the executive government, and more specifically the Ministry of External Affairs, to negotiate foreign affairs treaties and agreements. The prerogative would allow the government to sign agreements that, while affecting administrative boundaries, did not necessarily involve a fundamental change of the territorial composition of the country.
- Sufficiency of Article 3:
If there was any legislative action needed, then Article 3 provided a legislative mechanism for remapping boundaries in the Indian Union. The reasons put forward in support of this side were that because Article 3 was drafted to permit alterations in state boundaries, it should be sufficient to address exchange in respect of enclaves and border readjustments as well. The argument was that so long as the net territorial integrity of the nation was not violated, such exchanges could be addressed through a non-constitutional amendment.
The Opposition’s Arguments:
- Territorial Sovereignty and Integrity:
The critics, who also comprised political opponents such as N.C. Chatterjee and constitutional scholars, felt that the treaty as drafted itself constituted the cession of Indian territory to Pakistan and that it was a step which opposed the sovereignty of the Indian state in a direct sense. Anything which in fact changed the territorial boundaries to the advantage of a foreign country was not seen as an administrative step but as a total reorganization of the territorial integrity of the nation.
- Limitation of Article 3:
The critics argued that Article 3, in which there is the provision for the internal rearrangement of the states, does not have the provision for the cession of territory to a foreign sovereign authority. They argued that the legislative power granted under Article 3 is for internal reshuffling only and that any amendment involving the cession or exchange of territory beyond the national boundary should be examined as a constitutional issue warranting an amendment.
- Constitutional Amendment Requirement:
Emphasis was laid on the requirement of following the correct constitutional process of altering the boundaries of the country as specified under Article 1 and the First Schedule of the Indian Constitution. Since these provisions are the foundation of India’s territorial integrity, any alteration—more so a cession—would need to be introduced only by a constitutional amendment under Article 368. This rigorous process is a reflection of the seriousness with which the Constituent Fathers considered any modification in the country’s territory.
- The Preamble[6] and National Integrity:
Their opponents also invoked the Preamble to the Constitution, contending that the cession act would be contrary to the very foundation of keeping India a sovereign, democratic republic with well-defined and inviolable frontiers. Although the Preamble is not a source of legal mandate in itself, it is a source of interpretative direction, reiterating the postulate that territorial integrity and national sovereignty cannot be surrendered.
HOLDING:
After due consideration and reading of the provisions of the relevant constitution, the Supreme Court gave a ruling which has been labelled as a landmark ruling in cases of territorial integrity.
The Court ruled that:
Implementation of the Nehru-Noon Agreement Demands a Constitutional Amendment:
Where the arrangement involves cession or transfer of land to a foreign state, a legislative action under Article 3[7] will not be enough. The Court explained that the parliament or the executive cannot validly cause a cession of land without invoking the procedure for amendment of the Constitution under Article 368[8].
Article 3 is not a remedy/ suitable constitutional provision for Foreign Sovereign Boundary Reorganization:
The Court drew explicit distinction between internal reorganization when Article 3 applies and cession of territory to a foreign state that would encroach upon the inviolable elements of national integrity. Any transfer of enclaves that entailed transfer of sovereignty or jurisdiction over to a foreign state would thus have to be preceded by a constitutional amendment.
In short, the decision categorically established the principle that altering India’s territorial boundary by way of international agreements that actually abdicate part of the country is a matter beyond the scope of regular legislative process and squarely within the domain of constitutional amendment.
REASONING:
The Court’s reasoning was intricate, evincing careful constitutional thinking and deep deference to national sovereignty:
- Distinguishing Internal from External Reorganization:
The government started its explanation by observing the distinction between those changes that take place only within the internal reorganization of the nation and those changes that take place through the cession or transfer of land to another sovereign nation. The internal reorganization of the states like the formation of a new state or the reconfiguration of state boundaries remains distinctly within the purview of Article 3. But where the activity is loss or cession of land, the stakes are higher. Since India’s territorial boundaries are rooted under Article 1 and expressed in the First Schedule, any change that touches upon these essentials must be achieved through the process of constitutional amendment.
- Sovereignty and the Constitutional Order:
The core of the Court’s argument rested on the theory of sovereignty. Any concession that would be seen to erode the territorial sovereignty of India—however its net effect may be regarded administratively as balanced out—would be unacceptable except where it was made in consonance with constitutional process. The Court clarified that sovereignty is not a legal abstraction; it is an integral part of national life and administration. On this reasoning, the surrender of even a portion of territory without a constitutional amendment would be a dangerous departure from the settled rule of law and constitutional propriety.
- The Role of Preamble:
The Function of the Preamble A significant aspect of the justification was the role of the Preamble as an interpretative tool. While the Preamble itself does not confer powers, but it is a useful tool in interpreting the intentions and objectives of the Constitution. The Supreme Court pointed to the fact that the Preamble refers to the sovereignty and integrity of the nation. Thus, any attempt to act against these principles of altering the territorial border of the nation without adhering to the constitutional process would be a negation of the very principles on which the Constitution has been framed.
- Precedents and Constitutional Interpretation:
The Court’s explanation was bolstered by constitutional law precedents requiring scrupulous adherence to the amendment procedure in changes affecting fundamental features of the state. By appealing to such precedents, the Court reinforced its stance that the cession of land is not an administrative redrawing but one of constitutional character. The judicial reasoning thus tapped into both the literal interpretation of the Constitution and the overall spirit of constitutional morality and the rule of law.
- Effects of Departure from Constitutional Procedures:
Lastly, the Court held that granting Parliament the authority to make territorial cessions through a regular law would be a perilous precedent. It would not only circumvent the stringent tests which the process of amendment was established to operate, but it would also lead to future malpractices, whereby alterations in the country’s borders could be undertaken without proper debate or the will of the people. This argument was significant in arriving at the conclusion that the sovereignty and integrity of India had to be preserved by following the procedure of constitutional amendment under Article 368.
CONCLUSION:
The 1960 Berubari Union case was crucial in defending India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. No portion of Indian territory may be transferred to another nation without adhering to the correct constitutional procedure, the Supreme Court ruled. It decided that such issues cannot be resolved by Article 3 of the Constitution, which addresses internal changes. Rather, an Article 368 constitutional amendment is needed.
This ruling guaranteed that agreements impacting India’s borders could not be made by the government alone. Such important decisions can only be made by Parliament with the consent of the people through the proper legal procedures. The Court also reminded everyone that the Constitution is supreme law and should always be followed.
Future agreements, such as the 9th and 100th Constitutional Amendments, which were passed for land exchanges with Bangladesh and Pakistan[9], were modelled after the ruling. All things considered, this case improved India’s democracy, constitutional principles, and rule of law.
REFERENCES
[1] In re Berubari Union and Exchange of Enclaves, AIR 1960 SC 845
[2] Nehru–Noon Agreement, India–Pak., Sept. 10, 1958. See https://www.insightsonindia.com/international-relations/india-and-its-neighborhood/india-bangladesh-relations/land-boundary-agreement/
[3] India Const. art. 143(1)
[4] India Const. art. 3
[5] India Const. art. 368
[6] India Const. pmbl.
[7] Supra note 4
[8] Supra note 5
[9] The Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Act, 1960 & The Constitution (Hundredth Amendment) Act, 2015.